The English Queen hired an African National with US citizenship and a US bar license and African American US citizen as a wife, produce a fake document of “birth” from Hawaii (ethnic minorities land?), then gave him the Noble Prize for Peace, being an “elected” “black” (erasing Black Slavery) US President. The English Queen started wars in Iraq and Afghanistan with US tax dollars. She paid Obama to keep us in arms in the Middle East and kill Arabs, hired Clinton to ethnically force Jewish citizen Sanders to concede campaign marking him Socialist running for Executive Office, gave Clinton a Sec of State position and personal server, tried to start a war in Libya and got Americans killed, opened the Executive Branch to 95% security compromise, spent billions of taxpayer dollars privitizing health care for wealthy caucasian citizens while lowering work income of Black Americans that helped pay the taxes with no healthcare, collected all citizenship data on every citizen with our US military powers, (Obama asked me if I was “aware” of my Native American heritage and told me, a female Jewish citizen, that I “identify with minorites because they are persecuted”.) Obama is White alright! Thanks “white” ‘Merica.

Obama made billions of dollars from US taxes in his personal account in unknown location, hacked Twitter to increase exposure, and started an economic trade war and possible arms race with England, North Korea, China, South Korea, and Russia and then Obama left office and went on vacation and we’re in Afganistan again killing our service members. # Citizens United Supreme Court.

The Union greatly apologizes to Black Americans for despotism and brutal slavery. However, I am an ethnic minority despite my skin color and I don’t want an English African National who raped our Democracy telling me who I am or an Ivy League African American who sold poor Black Americans out taking credit for Our Progress.

We are not English slaves that you can get a millionaire “black” man with an African American wife to infiltrate our election and smear Republicans as despots and Democrats as SJWs with your tax dollars. We are American brands, not English laborers. #Citizens United Supreme Court vs Democratic Party political engineering.

Obama hacked our Democracy, turned us against each other, gave a foreigner Nelson Mandela quote the most views on Twitter like he understands the Black American struggle and accumulated wealth in the billions from mostly poor Americans. I don’t care that Michelle is an African American citizen and reps her former slave status as an example of breaking the cycle of poverty (all Black Americans were slave dipshit Ivy League degree millionaire), sells us Government welfare programs, infiltrated First Lady, she was aware her husband is an immigrant and she complied to allow him to own our Democracy, was a millionaire and proud of her SC slave ancestry because her Education is superior to Black struggles, making promises to Black citizens and spending their tax dollars at Walmart or rich white health insurance, told Black youth to stop being drug users and lazy, erased Beyonce’s Finacial Empire after stealing her election bargaining power and corrupting poor Black Americans.

America no longer acknowledges identifiers. We no longer see minority status. The Queen “gave” the “first black president” to a terrorist and we are now at war with England.

We need to secure the Nation by eliminating racial, ethnic, and religious, and social class bias and all other Federal programs to support the wealthy at the poor’s expense. Lets face it, Democrats ruined Democracy and exploited US.

No more “social programs” in the name of National Security. We are Citizens United, Corporations, not laborers for the Nazi Queen of UK. We don’t pay taxes to England anymore or need your British “black” quota charity. They tried to force us into a Civil War again.

For the Holocaust and Constitutional Freedoms of Prosperity, Amen.

#Suing Obama as equal citizen corporations under Constituonal law bc he’s not Our President and we will all split the money as America. Let’s see how much the Queen’s associates are really worth after they corrupt our government.

Make America Great Again Together with President Trump, a billionaire about to take on another billionaire and “share” Obama’s wealth with citizens of the US.

Mandela was cool, but we’re not allowing our team USA Brands to be associated with African White Apartheid especially for majority rule in this country. Rule of Law makes Democracy, not social “charity”.

Oorah. #Watchyall

It will take time but Americans Brands #work.


Obama wasnt born in the US. Obamacare gave white girls 4 million for their baby while pink necks stabbed Black women them in their pregnant stomach. Queen B sells Black culture to you with ypur tax money, getts rich and shuts hospitals down for her white baby. Millionaire celebrities are guilty of economic terrorism inder US rule of law, using pirate bay etc to pimp your money. Michelle is black but gets white ppl fit that shop at walmart and not us poor kuntry folks? They corrupted our church, our lawyers, and almost brought the country to war.

Samsung is watching my phone while pointing their gun at north kirea, keeping them in, while they get rich and steal the Korean heritage. Driving us to trade war with china. They are coming for your money poor people, fight for Economic Justice Hebrews who saved the Bible for you who were burned alive in the Holocaust so leftists could sell WWII. We aint having WWIII. Take care – American Cree Indian Squaw looks like a wyte girl from Charleston

Ready Player One

Ready Player OneReady Player One by Ernest Cline
My rating: 5 of 5 stars

Wade, a high school senior who lives in a poor trailer park neighborhood (in the future US) known as “the Stacks,” and spends his time in the OASIS, a massive multi-player online platform. Wade, under the avatar Parzival, is a Gunter — an “egg hunter” searching for James Haliday’s multi-billion dollar fortune. Haliday was an ’80s nerd, and so Wade plays every game, watches every show and movie, and listens to every song Haliday was into. As Wade and his two best friends, Aech and Art3mis become high scorers during the contest, their lives, real and simulated, are threatened by the Sixers, a corporate fleet plotting to overtake the OASIS. The story is funny, suspenseful, and very nerdy. Highly recommended!

View all my reviews

Defy the Stars

Defy the Stars (Constellation, #1)Defy the Stars by Claudia Gray
My rating: 5 of 5 stars

“Defy the Stars” by Claudia Gray was the best YA Sci-Fi book I’ve read yet. It follows Abel, an Earth android with human intelligence stranded on a ship for 30 years during a war between Earth and a super-earth, Genesis. Noemi, a Genesis soldier, finds Abel’s ship. As the only human commander on the ship, Abel must follow Noemi’s orders and she commands him to help her destroy the wormhole linking Earth and Genesis. They take off for an adventure through the galaxy visiting various moons and planets, finding allies and enemies along the way. Highly recommended!

View all my reviews

Selected works from American Political Thought: A Norton Anthology. Kramnick, Isaac and Theodore J. Lowi. W. Wl Norton & Company, Inc. (2009)

Frederick Douglas, “What Are the Colored People Doing for Themselves?” (1848)

“The present is a time when every colored man in the land should bring this important question home to his own heart,” Douglass (1848) passionately writes directly his piece to the black community, (p.589).  Douglass (1848) argues, that although white people are chaldouglass1lenging slavery, the anti-slavery movement needs black people to join the movement to further progress as a people.  “One of the first things necessary to prove the colored man worthy of equal freedom,” Douglass (1848) writes, “is an earnest and persevering effort on his part to gain it,” (p.590).  To Douglas (1848), abolition will not be achieved, “unless we, the colored people of America, shall set about the work of our own regeneration and improvement,” and that if not, “we are doomed to drag on in our present miserable and degraded condition for ages,” (p. 590).  Douglas (1848) argues it would take more than a law of abolition to free black people, that only through education can the character of a free people be achieved.

“Lectures on Slavery” (1850)


Douglass (1850) tells the history of slavery as first 20 Africans on a small plantation in Virginia, to growing to over three million in his time residing all over the country.  “Slavery forms an important part of the entire history of the American Union…and has anchored itself in the very soil of thee American Constitution,” Douglass (1850) writes (p. 591).  Douglass (1850) criticizes the lack of Constitutional rights afforded to black people such that slavery, “has thrown its paralyzing arm over freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press,” (p. 591) and has “seduced the church, corrupted the pulpit,” (p. 592) and that Americans, succumbing to its influence, relinquish their conscience and religious beliefs to defend it.  Douglass (1850) warns that slavery is so powerful that it threatens to destroy the Union to protect its self-interests.

Douglass (1850) describes the brutalities of slavery, when one man is legally another’s property; “the law gives the [slave] master absolute power over the slave.  He may work him, flog him, hire him out, sell  him, and in certain contingencies, kill him, with perfect impunity,” (p. 592).  “The slave is a human being,” Douglass (1850) pleads, “devested of all rights — reduced to the level of a brute…inserted in a master’s ledger, with horses, sheep and swine,” (p. 592).  Douglass (1850) describes that slaves are denied wives, children, commodities, and property and that a slave “labors in chains at home, under a burning sun and a biting lash,” (p. 592) while his exploiters dine in luxury, travel, get educated, live in comfortable shelter, and maintain a high social status.  Douglass (1850) describes how slave masters use whips, chains, gags, thumb-screws, knives, pistols, and dogs to torture slaves into compliance.  Douglass (1850) condemns, not only the Southern slave states, but the Northern free states as well such that “the whole American people are responsible for slavery, and must share, in its guilt and shame, with the most obdurate men-stealers of the south,” Thus, Douglass (1850) charged, everyone must join the abolition movement and “labor for its utter extirpation from the land,” (p. 594).

“What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?” (1852)

While Douglass (1852) commends the Founding Fathers for their bravery and patriotism in writing the Declaration of Independence in the defense of a new nation, and that although Douglass admires them, he criticizes them for their pro-slavery stance. Douglass (1852) asks rhetorically, “Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in the Declaration of Independence, extended to us?” and that regarding the 4th of July commemoration, “I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary,” (p. 595).  Douglass (1852) writes, “the rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me…this Fourth [of] July is yours, not mine.”  Douglass (1852) argues that to “call upon [the slave] to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony,” (p. 595).  Douglass (1852) pleads, “in the name of liberty…in the name of the constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon,” for people to denounce slavery, “the great sin and shame of America,” criticizing  proponents of slavery, as morally wrong and unjust hypocrites (p. 596).

Douglass (1852) argues that to deny liberty, which the Union has already determine is a necessity of life, to a black man, you therefore are denying him his manhood and reducing him to an animal.  Douglass (1852) criticizes the incredulousness of the slavery debate, “Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery?” such that is “the principle of justice, hard to be understood?” (p. 597).  Douglass (1852) argues that the immorality of slavery is obvious given the known brutalities of slavery and that “the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced,” (p. 598).  Douglass (1852) asks in summation, “What to the American slave is your 4th of July?” and responds that it “reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim,” (p. 598).  To the slave, Douglass (1852) writes, is a fraud, deception, and hypocrisy, and such behavior “would [even] disgrace a nation of savages,” (p. 598).

John C. Calhoun, “Speeches on the Reception of Abolition Petitions” (1837)

In Calhoun’s (1837) view, slave-state citizens and institutions are victims of intense hatred by the free-states that will result in contention “more deadly than one hostile nation ever entertained towards another,” and “burst the Union asunder,” (p. 601).  Calhoun (1837) argues that “abolition and the Union cannot co-exist” because, “we, of the South will not, cannot surrender our institutions,” (p. 601).  Calhoun (1837) believes slavery to be “good” not “evil” under the argument that “never before has the black race of Central Africa…attained a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually,” (p. 602).  Calhoun (1837) argues that the “low, degraded, and savage condition” of Africans “under the fostering care of our institutions,” have become “comparatively civilized,” (p. 602).  Calhoun (1837) argued that slaves were living healthier and more comfortable lives than poor Europeans.  If slaves were granted freedom and social equality ending white superiority, Calhoun (1837) warned that white people would be forced into slavery serving black masters.

“Calhoun’s Resolutions” (1838)  

Calhoun (1838) argued that forcing States to abolish slavery is an unconstitutional seizure of States rights and southern economical disenfranchisement, endangering peace and crippling to the Union.  Calhoun (1838) concludes that the South “will long continue to preserve, our free institutions…which we are called on to defend by the highest and most solemn obligations that can be imposed on us as men and patriots,” (p. 607).

George Fitzhugh, “Sociology for the South: or, the Failure of Free Society” (1854)

Fitzhugh (1854) writes “we do not set children and women free because they are not capable of taking care of themselves, not equal to the constant struggle of society,” (p. 626) arguing both children and women lack the will, virtues, and cunning necessary to survive compete in the labor market, hold property, or have political rights such that they would soon after fall into destitution.  Fitzhugh (1854) argues that equal rights results in oppression of the lower classes which are most in need of protection; Fitzhugh (1854) argues the low class’s oppression is caused by their own failures, ignorance, wants, and contention which drives landlords and employers to raise prices and lower wages.  Had the Irish been serfs, Fitzhugh (1854) claims, they would have been “cherished and taken care of by those same landlords and employers.”  Fitzhugh adds that slaves, unlike the free low-class, “never die of hunger, [and] scarcely ever feel want,” (p.  629).

Fitzhugh (1854) argues that wealthy property owners “are masters of the poor” that, unlike slave masters, hold “none of the feelings, interests or sympathies,” in protecting laborers (p. 628).  Fitzhugh (1854) argues that free societies abandon the Christian, golden rule virtue and instead promotes selfishness and the destruction of societal happiness.  Fitzhugh (1854) claims equality would effectively abolish the right to private property as well as caused political instability.  Slavery, Fitzhugh (1854) argues, is the only “remedy for [the] evil” of the wealthy and strong oppressing the poor and weak, (p. 631) and that slavery has lead to the progress of great civilizations in history.  Fitzhugh (1954) argues that slavery is more fair to the laborer because it rewards wants rather than labor input, and slaves, being of cheap and unrefined wants, are satisfied with food, shelter, and clothing.

“Cannibals All! or, Slaves Without Masters” (1857)

To Fitzhugh (1857), low-class labor is effectively white slavery without slave masters, far more exploitative than the black slave trade.  Fitzhugh (1857) believes the government does not need the consent of the public but rather uses force; if women, children, and black people are involved in the creation and consent of our government or allowed voting rights, it will cause anarchy.  Fitzhugh (1857) believed that governing requires force, not morality, such that when a slave “sees the driver’s lash, becomes accustomed to obedient…the lash is the force that impels him,” (p. 643).

Robert B. Taney, “Dred Scott v. Sandford” (1857)

The Court ruled against Scott, denying him the right to sue, under the argument that constitutionally, Scott was not a citizen of Missouri.  The Court questioned if 1) Scott and his family were free in Missouri, and 2) is Scott free given his “removal” to Illinois? (p.   Congress passed the Missouri Compromised, which abolished slavery in Missouri among other states, however, the Court discredited the law’s constitutionality such that federal authority within US territory is limited to the States of the Union during the drafting of the Constitution, and therefore could not affect States acquired elsewhere.  The Court concluded that the Constitution regards the slave as the private property of the slave owner.

Abraham Lincoln, “Speech at Peoria, Illinois” (1854)

Lincoln (1854) asks how the contention over slavery should be resolved.  “What then?  Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings?  Is it quite certain that this betters their condition?” (p. 651)  What about accepting blacks as social equals? “We well know that those of the great mass of white people will not,” and therefore “we can not, then, make them equals,” (p. 651).  Lincoln (1854) argues emancipation depends on if the black slave is or is not a man; if he is a man, he should be granted freedom from the despotism of slavery.  Lincoln (1854) warns the greedy exploitation of slave labor may destroy the freedoms granted to whites (if the Union dissolves).

“Speech on the Dred Scott Decision in Springfield, Illinois” (1857)

Abraham_Lincoln_Hero_Chair-ABLincoln (1857) claims that SCOTUS Justice, “Judge Douglas dreads the slightest human recognition of the negro,” and regards them “not human enough to have a hearing,” (p. 659).  Lincoln (1857) warns the greedy exploitation of slave labor may destroy the rights and freedoms granted to whites.  Lincoln (1857) observes the large proportion of biracial people in slave-states and denies that he is implying slave masters “are inclined to exercise this particular power which they hold over their female slaves,” (p. 659) which grants the slave master the right to rape and forcibly impregnate black women.  Lincoln (1857) notes the differing opinions of the political parties — Republicans support abolition and regard “the negro is a man,” while the Democrats protect slavery and “deny his manhood,” (p. 660).

“Letter to Boston Republicans” (1859)

Upon Jefferson’s commemoration, Lincoln (1959) notes the irony of the Jeffersonian argument, holding personal liberty above property rights, to the current ideology that denies “one man’s” (likely Scott) personal liberty, is regarded as secondary to the property rights of another.  “All honor to Jefferson,” Lincoln (1859) writes, whose philosophies “shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very harbingers of re-appearing tyranny and oppression,” (p. 662).

 “Address Before the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society” (1859)

Lincoln (1859) criticizes the Southern “mud-sill” theory that regards low-class labor as more sufferable than slavery.  Lincoln (1859) argues that “there is not such thing as a free man being fatally fixed for life,” (p. 663).  “Free labor,” Lincoln (1859) argues, is a “just, and generous, and prosperous system, which opens the way for all…[and the] improvement of condition to all,” (p. 664).  Lincoln (1859) encouraged the combination of labor and education will ensure “no community whose every member possesses this art, can ever be the victim of oppression in any of its forms,” (p. 666).

“Cooper Union Address” (1860)

Lincoln (1860) recalled George Washington’s decision to abolish slavery in the Northwestern Territory and “his hope that we should at some time have a confederacy of free States,” (p. 666).  Lincoln (1860) criticizes Conservatives for their policy decisions on slavery contradicting their Conservative principles; “If you would have the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy of the old times,” (p. 667).

“New Haven Address” (1860)

Lincoln (1860) commends New England which allows labor strikes and freedom to work when and where you want to; “I like the system which lets a man quit when he wants to,” (p. 668).  Lincoln (1860) ensures the right to acquire capital, and that he does “wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else,” (p. 668).  Lincoln (1860) believes that every man, including blacks, is entitled to improve his condition.

“First Inaugural Address” (1861)

Lincoln (1861) assures the South that he would not free their slaves and would continue enforcing fugitive slave laws.  Lincoln (1861) regards Southern mobilization as an attempt to disrupt the Union.  Lincoln (1861) declares it unlawful to secede from the Union and that “acts of violence, are insurrectionary,” (p. 671).

“Second Inaugural Address” (1865)

09disunion-douglass-blog427Lincoln (1865) remembers his 1st inaugural address, addressing the nation in hopes to preserve the Union, while insurgency sought to destroy it; one party (the South) would make war to end the Union, while the other (the North) would accept war to preserve it.  Lincoln (1865) acknowledged the powerful influence of slavery was the cause of the Civil War, such that it sparked rebellion by States that sought to preserve it.  Lincoln (1865) questioned how “any men should dare to ask a just God’s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged,” (p. 685).  Lincoln credits the abolition of slavery as G-d’s will, and that both the North and South were punished with the sufferings of war for their oppression.  Lincoln (1865) believes that if G-d’s will intends to prolong the nation’s suffering “until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword,” His judgments are true and righteous, (p. 685).  Now let’s “bind the nation’s wounds…[and] do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations,” (p. 685).

Henry Brown and John Marshall Harlan, “Plessy v. Ferguson” (1896)

After the bloody sacrifices of the Civil War, the equal citizenship of blacks was finally granted to them by the Fourteenth Amendment.  Decades later, when States enforced racial segregation, blacks challenged that it violated their Fourteenth Amendment rights, in which “States are forbidden from making or enforcing any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States,” (p. 943).  The Supreme Court, in the most heinous abuse of the rule of law, restricted black rights for 50 years after it upheld segregation as not in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment, despite no lawful consideration of its expressed powers, finding instead Brown’s personal view that segregation is a “reasonable regulation” of States.  Brown (1896) went further to defend state segregation by criticizing blacks for calling segregation “a badge of inferiority” and he argued it was a black construct and they have civil and political equality and therefore are not considered inferior.  This was a blatant lie; if blacks were truly politically equal, why did they not get equal protection from segregation?  Brown (1896) attempts to justify this, by arguing its a social, not political, regulation; he also said Constitutional rights cannot elevate a socially inferior race to the level of a more superior one.  Brown (1896) also blames “racial instincts” on social inequality and said integration must be “a voluntary consent of individuals,” not forced legislation to commingle “negro” and white races, (p. 944).

Mr. Justice Harlan Dissenting    Harlan (1896) argues that “our Constitution is color-blind”, regarding all races without distinction such that no legislative body may regard race in matters of civil rights, (p. 945).  White people view themselves as the dominant race in our society, and are indeed far more wealthy, educated, prestigious, and powerful than blacks, but still equal in civil rights.  Therefore, it is with regret that the Court has chosen to deny “the enjoyment by citizens of their civil rights solely upon the basis of race,” (p. 945).  “The arbitrary separation of citizens, on the basis of race…cannot be justified upon any legal grounds,” (p. 945).  The predicted “evil” results of integration will be greatly overshadowed by State oppression based on race.  Segregation is symbolic of black servitude despite their legal equality and the argument that their designated services are “equal” in quality is an obvious ruse that will never compensate for the trespasses of segregation.

W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903)




Hiram W. Evans, “The Klan’s Fight for Americanism” (1926)

“Intellectually mongrelized ‘Liberals'” (p. 981) —  shaming white Liberals’ anti-racist views such that it is similar to the cross-breading of an animal with a more inferior animal.  “remarkable race character”(p. 981) – believes American whites were “bred” to be the most superior race.  America’s establishment was “given” as “inheritance” to American white men (p. 981).  Referred to American whites as “Native Americans”. Evans (1926) feels whites are the ones discriminated against by being denied their privilege of slavery.  Evans (1926) views white despotism as an act of philanthropy, regarding slaves as “whom we had allowed to share our heritage and prosperity…that had given him shelter,” (p.982).


1848 – 1865

The Civil War era and debate over slavery was the most contentious period in American history.  The Northern free-states and Southern slave-states were deeply divided on the issue of abolition; both sides, unwilling to concede, accepted that without resolution, the Union will likely plunge into civil war.  Pro-slavery Calhoun (1837) accused Northern abolitionists of inciting hatred towards Southern people and encouraging violence “more deadly than one hostile nation ever entertained towards another,” (p. 601).  Abolitionist Douglass (1850) defended the North’s unyielding attitude, and forewarned that “there can be no peace to the wicked while slavery continues in the land, it will be condemned,” (p. 593).  Arguably neutral, Lincoln (1854) blamed the instability of the Union on divisive actions of both the North and the South such that “one side will provoke, the other resent,” (p. 653).

Discussion: What were the most prominent elements of the philosophical debates between pro-and anti-slavery forces before the civil war? Did the war drastically change these philosophical differences, or did the debate basically begin after the war where it left off before the war?

Debate after the Civil War

Social equality:


Debate before the Civil War

Christianity of Slavery –



    • North: Supports social equality: (Douglas) Although abolition and Constitutional rights are a necessary step for black social and political equality, without access to education for themselves and their children, will never gain the wisdom, character, and strength needed to build and maintain social equality. (Lincoln) argues that communities cannot be oppressed if both educated and labored

    • Opposes social equality: (Lincoln) Cannot permit blacks social equality because the massive opposition by whites.

    • South: Opposes social equality: (Calhoun)  If black people were elevated to social and political equality with whites ending white superiority, southern white people would be forced into slavery and serve black slave masters. (Fitzhugh) Equality would effectively destroy the right to private property, social equality such as voting rights would result in lawlessness


    • Exploitation

      • North: Black Slavery (Douglass) Slave masters lived in prominence and luxury while slaves live like farm animals.  Slaves forfeited not only their labor but their free-will; slave masters were permitted full authority to direct every aspect of a slave’s life from prohibiting religious congregation to criminalizing literacy.  Slaves parents were robbed of their own children as slave masters sold them into lifetime bondage; slaves masters deny slaves the social securities and virtues of marriage.  (Lincoln) warns the greedy exploitation of slave labor may destroy the rights and freedoms granted to whites. Lincoln (1857) observes the large proportion of biracial people in slave-states and while he denies that he is suggesting slave masters “are inclined to exercise this particular power which they hold over their female slaves,” (p. 659) he notes the slave master is granted the right to rape and forcibly impregnate black women.

      • Low-class labor – Lincoln (1859) argues that “there is not such thing as a free man being fatally fixed for life,” (p. 663).  “Free labor,” Lincoln (1859) argues, is a “just, and generous, and prosperous system, which opens the way for all…[and the] improvement of condition to all,” (p. 664).
      • South: White Slavery (Calhoun) Slaves, despite their inferiority to poor Europeans, are far more healthy and comfortable. (Fitzhugh) Slave masters are caring, generous, and affectionate and slaves are always fed, while the callous employer ignores the starving low-class.  Slavery is more profitable for the laborer than employment because it rewards wants rather than labor input, and slaves, being of cheap and unrefined wants, are satisfied if provided adequate food, shelter, and clothing.  Low-class laborers excessively work and are denied sleep and leisure time, while slaves work less hours and allowing time for sleep and leisure

Christianity of Slavery

  • North: Slavery is morally evil and inhumane: (Douglass) Defied Christian virtues of peace, compassion, and equality in the eyes of G-d,

    South: Slavery is morally good and charitable: (Calhoun) Africans were savages, and through slavery, were civilized and improved morally and intellectually, Slavery promotes peaceful coexistence between races. (Fitzhugh) Slavery abides by the Christian golden rule as slave masters are caring, generous, and affectionate and protect slaves from starvation, Slavery is a cure for the “evil” of poor and weak suffering,

  • Personal rights v property rights

    • North: (Douglas) The Constitution grants basic human rights to “all men” yet black men are lawfully denied these protections

    • South: Unconstitutional: (Calhoun) Federal abolition law encroaches on States rights and unlawfully seizes private property, Economically disenfranchising southern States to benefit northern States. (Fitzhugh) Equality would effectively destroy the right to private property


Conflicts in the Young Republic and Jacksonian America

Alexander Hamilton, “First Report on the Public Credit” (1790)

“That an adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of high importance to the honor and prosperity of the United States,” (p. 297).  Hamilton (1790) argues that borrowing and credit are a necessity for all nations; all nations, such as in times of wahamilton1r, must borrow capital and have good financial credit to do so.  Hamilton (1790) also argues public credit is necessary to invest in resources, to ensure justice, to unify the States, essential for trade, agriculture and manufacturing, and lowering interest rates.  Hamilton (1790) was a proponent of a federal public credit account.  Hamilton (1790) quotes the Constitution, “all debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of that Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under it, as under the confederation,” (p.303) arguing the federal government will take up the debts of the Revolutionary War from every State.  If there is “not a national assumption of the state debts,” (p. 304) Hamilton (1790) argues, there will be problems of interest rates and with the various creditors and that in the best interests of industry and commerce, all States should be held by the same regulations.

“Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank” (1791)

Hamilton (1791) supports the creation of a national bank, and address criticisms that such action would be unconstitutional.  Hamilton (1791) suggests “that there are implied as well as expressed powers,” (p.305) of government and maintains it is applicable to the the “necessary and proper” (p. 306) clause of the Constitution arguing creating banks is a right of a sovereign government.  Hamilton (1791) makes the argument that a bank would be essential to the regulate trade between the States, borrowing money, and regulating foreign currency.  Hamilton (1791) argues by design, the Constitution gives the federal government the power of the United States’ financial administration.

“Report on Manufactures” (1791) 

Hamilton (1790), in favor of federal manufacturing investment, address four major concerns in opposition: agriculture is more beneficial, industry will do fine by itself, the United States lacks the labor force and cannot compete with Europe, and inevitable monopolies will be detrimental to society.  Hamilton (1790) argues federal manufacturing investment would yield benefits such as  increasing national revenue, high employment rates, sector diversity, and encouraging emigration.

Henry Clay, “Speech on the Tariff” (1824)

Clay (1824) writes, “Our agriculture is our greatest interest…Can we do nothing to invigorate it?” (p. 390).  Clay (1824) argues that in order to secure a sustainable national economy, it would need the “PROTECTION of our own legislation against the inevitable..action of foreign policy and legislation,” (p.391) and therefore it is necessary to establish a tariff.  Clay (1828) claims the purpose of the tariff is to “tax the produce of foreign industry, with the view of promoting American industry,” (p.391).

John Quincy Adams, “First Annual Message to Congress” (1825) 

Adams (1825) supported federal funding of “internal improvements” such as expeditions to explore United State territories, a national university, a national astronomical observatory.  Adams (1825) argues improvement should be encourage in a free society and promoting science and enlightenment would progress the country and benefit citizens.

Daniel Webster, “Speech on Jackson’s Veto of the United States Bank Bill” (1832)

Webster (1832) supported a federal bank as well as private management of the bank.  Webster (1832) claimed “government banks are among the most dangerous of all inventions,” (p. 446).  Webster (1832) argued government operated banks would bar foreign investment, and claimed opposition is class warfare.  Webster (1832) foreigner’s money in national banks is not a threat because the money is subject to United States law.

James Fenimore Cooper, “The American Democrat” (1838)

Cooper did not share an egalitarian view on social class.  Cooper (1838) describes social class as “dependent on birth, education, personal qualitites, property, tastes, habits, and, in some instances, on caprice, or fashion,” (p. 465) but mainly depends on property.  Cooper (1838) does not believe that, “one man is as good as another,” (p. 466).  Cooper (1838) argues “there is no natural equality,”  in that “as nature has made differences between men, those institutions which create political orders, are no more than carrying out the great designs of providence,” (p. 466).  Cooper (1838) believed men were equal when it came to rights, and that equal rights encourages meritocracy in society.  Cooper (1838) argues “social inequality of America is an unavoidable result of the institutions,” and that “it is as much a consequence of civilized society, as breathing is a vital function of animal life,” (p. 468).  Without inequality, Cooper (1838) argues, “civilization would become stationary,” (p. 467) and the acquisition of property encourages progress.  Cooper (1838) argues it is impossible to raise all men to high standards, and therefore egalitarianism would reduce all men to the lowest standards.

Orestes Brownson, “The Laboring Classes” (1840)

Brownson (1840) questioned why the laborer is “poor and depressed” while non-laborers are wealthy, (p. 457).  Brownson (1840) acknowledges laborers do not earn money from production and “in general unable to procure anything beyond the bare necessaries of life,” (p. 457).  Brownson (1840) believes himself an abolitionist, but argues with slavery there is less suffering than with low-wage labor.  Brownson (1840) argues the wealthy manufacturer, who pays less than a living wage to his laborers, is a hypocrite for calling himself a Christian and criticizing the slave owner when in reality low wage labor is cheaper for the manufacturer  because slaves at least have food, clothing, and lodging which low wage laborers cannot afford.

Brownson (1840) believes G-d has created all men equal, and therefore it is necessary to “emancipate the proletaries, as the past has emanicipated the slaves,” (p. 459).  Brownson (1840) argues it is necessary to relieve social inequality such as by “Christianiz[ing] the community” (p. 461) and that society should not condone a Christian gospel that allows few men to profit while the masses live in miserable poverty.  Brownson (1840) argues society should adopt the messages of Jesus and lead society to the “great social reform needed,” (p. 462).  Brownson (1840) argues government “must proceed to repeal all laws which bear against the laboring classes, and then to enact such laws as are necessary to enable them to maintain their equality,” (p. 463).  Brownson (1840) believed the influence of the banks benefits the employer and are in opposition to the laboring class; he argues the “subtle influence of credit, and such the power of capital” will eventually overtake government and that banks will have “fatal influence on the political action of the community,” (p. 463).  Brownson (1840) proposes, since inequality stems from being born rich or poor, that upon death, property should “become the property of the state”, (p. 464) to promote equality for the next generation.

Andrew Jackson, “First Annual Message to Congress” (1829)

Jackson (1829) argues that “in a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the people no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another,” (p. 421).  Jackson (1829) was an opponent of a tariff on foreign goods arguing that “we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations,” but that “which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries,” (p. 422).  Jackson (1829) argued if the national public debt was abolished, “the fiscal power of the States will also be increased” (p. 423) and that States would have more funding for education and other public investments.

“Veto of Maysville Road Bill” (1830)   

Jackson (1830) argues “works of internal improvement” (p. 425) by the federal government encroach on State’s rights of sovereignty and jurisdiction.  Jackson (1830) argues internal improvement programs should be enacted with an amendment to the Constitution rather than implying the federal government has such powers.

“Bank Veto Message” (1832)

Jackson (1832) vetoed the bank bill, claiming “every monopoly and all exclusive privileges are granted at the expense of the public,” (p. 428).  Jackson (1838) critcized the amount of money owned by foreigners such that in times of war, “it would be more formidable and dangerous than the naval and military power of the enemy,” (p. 429).  Jackson (1832) argues that the national bank is unconstitutional because, “there is nothing in its legitimate functions which makes it necessary or proper,” (p. 429).  Jackson (1832) argued that “it is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes,” (p. 429).  Although Jackson (1832) agrees social inequality cannot be avoided, but that constitutionally, every man is equal under the law and such government policies, like titles of nobility in England, generate distinction to the rich at the expense of the poor.  Jackson (1832) called such policies “prostitution of our Government to the advancement of the few at the expense of the many,” (p. 430).

“Farewell Address” (1837)

Jackson (1837) argues that the Constitution’s “powers being expressly enumerated, there can be no justification for claiming anything beyond them,” (p. 435).  Jackson (1837) commented on “his views on the dangers of moneyed interests and sectionalism to popular democracy and to the Union,” (p. 431).


Kramnick, Isaac and Theodore J. Lowi. American Political Thought: A Norton Anthology. W. Wl Norton & Company, Inc. (2009)


PSC 435 Course Discussion: Was the economic program of Hamilton and the Whigs forward-thinking and realistic, or simply the reflection of monied interests, the primary critique of the Jacksonians?

Hamilton and the Whigs (Clay, Adams, Webster, Cooper) had views distinct from that of the Jacksonians (Jackson, Brownson) such as with the federal government’s involvement in the economy as well as views on social inequality.  Hamilton (1790, 1791) supported the federal “public credit” account, the creation of a national bank (which Webster (1832) argued should be privately operated), and federal investment in manufacturing.  Clay (1824) supported a tariff on foreign imports, Adams (1825) supported federal funding of “internal improvements” such as a university, astronomical observatory, and territory expedition while Jackson (1829) opposed a national bank and federally funded public works as these programs, in his view, were unconstitutional.  Cooper (1838) did not share Jackson (1832, 1837) and Brownson’s (1840) egalitarian view on social class and instead argued inequality is necessary for progress.  Given the arguments made, I tend to agree with the Jacksonians that, in Jackson’s words, Hamilton and the Whigs’ views represent “dangers of moneyed interests and sectionalism to popular democracy and to the Union,” (p. 431).

Hamilton supported the public credit claiming it is necessary for funding future war, investment in resources, ensuring justice, unifying states, essential for trade, agriculture, and manufacturing, lowering interest rates, and ensuring States abide by equal regulations.  While Hamilton’s reasonings appear fair, I agree with Jackson that a national bank like “every monopoly and all exclusive privileges are granted at the expense of the public,” such that Webster’s privately operated bank is likely to be influenced by private interests and lead to disproportionately benefitting the wealthier classes at the poor’s expense.  Why should the wealthy profit in the form of interest rates and other monetary policies with the tax dollars of the masses?  I agree a national bank, in purpose to allow the federal government to function is necessary, but Webster’s argument leads me to believe the national bank’s private operation will lead to monetary policy in favor of wealthy elites.  Jackson called such policies “prostitution of our Government to the advancement of the few at the expense of the many,” (p. 430) and Brownson argued such policies have a “fatal influence on the political action of the community,” (p. 463).  I agree with Jackson that a national bank was abolished, “the fiscal power of the States will also be increased,” (p. 422) such that by letting States reallocate their individual tax revenue, there will not be favoritism between States such that some benefit while other do not.  While I also agree with Adams that territory expeditions, universities, and astronomical observatories would promote science and the enlightenment of society, I believe federalization of such institutions would benefit the wealthy elites rather than the public such that only a select few will have access to such institutions.  Again, this may disproportionately allocate public works to some States despite all States contributing; I believe public works should be a State’s responsibility to ensure fairness.

I also agree with the Jacksonians that the Whigs have very elitist views on social class and that it is reflected in their fiscal policies.  Cooper describes social class as “dependent on birth, education, personal qualities, property, tastes, habits, and, in some instances, on caprice, or fashion,” (p. 465) but mainly depends on property.  Cooper (1838) does not believe that, “one man is as good as another,” (p. 466) and that men were equal when it came to rights, and that equal rights encourages meritocracy in society.  Cooper (1838) argues “social inequality of America is an unavoidable result of the institutions,” and that “it is as much a consequence of civilized society, as breathing is a vital function of animal life,” (p. 468).  Without inequality, Cooper argues, “civilization would become stationary,” (p. 467) and the acquisition of property encourages progress.  To me, Cooper’s views are very elitist in favor of the wealthy few.  Cooper not only acknowledges all men are unequal, but argues social inequalities are necessary for society.  Such thinking leads me to believe the Whigs, such as the Jacksonians’ criticisms, supported policy that would benefit the rich at the poor’s expense.  Brownson takes almost a Marxian view of labor and the corrupting power of the elite on the government.  While I disagree with Brownson that low wage labor is more sufferable than poverty, I agree that it should be noted that low wage labor allows for more profits for the wealthy while the poor go without the necessities of life such as food, shelter, and clothing.  While I do not agree with Brownson that society should promote Christian values, I agree the values of social justice should be encouraged in a free society and the government should enact policy that may relieve such inequality. Lastly, while I believe Brownson’s proposition that in purpose to end the inequality from rich and poor birth, property should be given to the government after death in very extreme and radical, the notion of an estate/death tax to fund social welfare programs to relieve poverty are a good idea. I agree with Jackson that although social inequality cannot be avoided, every person is equal under the law and certain government policies, like the titles of nobility in England, generate distinction to the rich at the expense of the poor and should be avoided.